Saturday, June 7, 2008
RASICM RIFE UNDER ANC GOVERNANCE
A White South African testifies: “There exists in South Africa today a racial hatred that I never experienced in my youth”
Thursday 29 May 2008
Edwin is South African and his origins can be traced as far back as the XVIth century, when Dutch and French Huguenots set foot in Southern Africa. He is 50 and left a teaching profession to work in computer programming. In an exclusive for Novopress France, he talks to us about White South Africans’ daily life since the fall of Apartheid. A testimony without make-up or concessions. A warning to white Europeans.
How do you perceive the changes since the fall of Apartheid?
Since the ANC took power, our daily life has been affected by many changes. The biggest single change was the creation of fear. Fear of crime, which has skyrocketed since the ANC government took over. South Africa now has the highest rape incidence in the world. People fear leaving their homes, on foot or in public or private transport. People fear sounds they hear at night and with good reason. My elderly father fears tending his lawn on the sidewalk as old people are a very popular target.It is not just Whites that live in fear. It is everybody. Even criminals prey on one another. Very often, the police appear to be inefficient, due to a lack of discipline and because corruption is rife.
Have you been yourself victim of violence?
Not personally but two of my friends have been murdered during robberies. Many of them as well as some of my own family members have personally experienced the “big 4″. In the old days we used to refer to the “big four” as the lions, elephants, buffalo and rhino which are a popular tourist attraction in South African game reserves. Nowadays the South African “big four” are commonly referred to as robbery, rape, car hijacking and murder.
You were a teacher. What is your opinion on education in your country today?
I had the privilege of a very good education. Today, South Africa features at or near the very bottom worldwide. Education standards have become a national joke. Private schools are very expensive. Education is one of the main reasons for White emigration.
Can you give us a retrospective analysis of the situation?
I as a White man stand accused of causing suffering to Black people, something I totally deny. It is claimed I had tremendous advantage while other paid the price… but is this true? While well funded communist terrorists tried to enter South Africa from beyond our borders - after years of Marxist indoctrination in USSR - I was called up by the military to fight for three years to defend all South Africans from communist aggression. Black people were not forced to serve in the military as I was, although Black volunteers were accepted. Whites were required to fund the Black homelands to educate them and build viable infrastructures. Before his arrest, Nelson Mandela created the largest terrorist group, “MK” (Umkhonto we Sizwe, spear of the nation). Read his book “How to be a good communist” for a picture of what we were up against. He was made an icon for having avoided a blood bath but his liberation, wished for by a cabal of international finance, has contributed to nip in the bud a planned White insurrection. From its base in nearby Botswana, the American army wouldn’t have let us off lightly…
Blacks were never forced to contribute to their own education, health services or general state expenses. This was a negotiated process and some local Black leaders supported the uplifting of their homelands. Others did not and It was a confusing time. As the weight of our responsibilities became heavier and heavier to sustain as their number increased, we could not understand the international outcry which demanded that we capitulate to the communist onslaught; that we submit to the wind of history, of change blowing over Africa…
Black men, leaving their universities, were enrolled in Europe to master their knowledge of democracy which, ironically, materialised upon their return, by a wave of terror: intimidations, assassinations, terrorism, torture, mostly perpetrated against their own… We found incomprehensible the publicity, the praise around these men who were essentially motivated by personal ambition, and the suppression against wise leaders such as Buthelezi in South Africa and Muzorewa in Zimbabwe, supported by a majority of their respective communities.
What is , in your opinion, the assessment of this mess?
Racial hatred has now also become a big issue. When I was young I never experienced hatred from Black people. We lived generally peaceful lives. Today the hatred stems almost totally from young Black youngsters who never experienced Apartheid, but are taught to hate the White man. The new school history is full of blame of the White man for every problem Blacks today endure. White children are made to feel guilty and Black children are instilled with resentment against Whites. Nevertheless, generally there is still respect between Whites and the older Black people who are disillusioned, for nothing better has come out of the new regime. On the contrary, work is scarce since the country’s boundaries have been opened wide, letting in hordes of people from the north, in search of an Eldorado which doesn’t exist anymore.
Shanty towns, squatter camps around big agglomerations are on the increase and the presence of foreigners, perceived as a threat, are giving rise to a resurgence of the tribal identity of Black South Africans, little concerned about human right principles…
Moreover, for everybody, Black, White, Coloured and others, a new amoral way of life has become normal. Family values are no longer held sacred. Drug use, previously unknown, has now become a rampant problem. Those who can afford to send their children overseas to complete their education or to work, do so. Entire families, particularly Whites, emigrate in large numbers because of affirmative action. One out of every five White person has now left the country permanently. About two millions have settled abroad, mostly in Australia, Canada and England.
It is despairingly common to see aged parents who have children spread around the world, just waiting to die with no loved ones near them. Emails become their daily source of hope and affection while all physical contact is lost. Only the poor remain, and those who are too old to adapt to a foreign culture. We live from day to day, avoid the crime where possible, and sometimes long for the old days.
Thousands of Whites have been assassinated, sometimes tortured, horrendously mutilated, without apparent reason. It is a genocide but again, no voice is heard in protest. We have learnt, at our expense that it is not politically correct to fight for any White skin victim. Only Whites, can be racist, isn’t it? Indian and Coloured communities feel the pinch as well. Poverty is on the increase. Whites cannot live in Black areas because it is too dangerous for them, but Blacks flood into previously White areas bringing their culture of crime and high noise levels with them. We have no defense. The commandos have been dismantled. Our culture is not respected or even acknowledged. The few Whites in parliament are boot-lickers who do not represent us. Very few White people bother voting in elections here. There is no point. Many of us regard ourselves as stateless persons who have no choice but to live in this hostile country we happen to have been born in.
Would partition be viable?
Some people have tried to create White enclaves where we may be free to have our own culture and raise our children without government interference. The largest is Orania in the Cape Province. In order to avoid Black repression, Orania was built in a semi-desert region where no Blacks have ever wanted to live. Despite this there have been several legal attempts to destroy Orania. Recently, the government talked about incorporating it into some distant Black township which would have created a White minority without autonomy. Until now, Orania has survived at an enormous cost of sacrifices and legal procedures. More than a thousand people initially settled there, but reality has brought the number down to about six hundred. Orania has become a sort of live symbol where many Whites would love to live but legal threats and poverty prevent.
Our struggle in the eighties, gave us the impression to be the last White bastion, the defense dyke of European Identity. Today Edwin, what advice would you give to Europeans who feel threatened?
The West didn’t want to see in our fight a prelude to its present situation. I will not forget that you have fought by our side, that you’ve been one of us… At least, did you have the choice of leaving, refusing submission… But for how long still? I have noticed that all around the world, the majority of Whites have surrendered. I won’t mention America but in Europe, they grant foreigners, Blacks and Moslems in particular, so much right to their culture and their vital space that they have forgotten theirs. The founders of European civilisation have conceded their right for existence without caring in which hands it falls. It seems to me that, everywhere, Whites have lost the will to live.
Any advice? Resist, unite, stand up always… Preserve or take root again, in rural areas notably, as it is by being with nature that we regain our soul.
Friday, June 6, 2008
ZIMBABWEAN "EARN" SPRINGBOK COLOURS!
According to a document in the possession of SupaRugby, Mujati's dad, Joseph, is farming on land from which the family of a former South African Under-24 representative, Tienie Martin, was forcefully removed.
Martin, who also played for Northern Transvaal, was once tipped to become a Springbok.
Joseph Mujati - Brian's father - apparently took possession of the Martin family's farm in 2003 as part of the Zimbabwean government's expropriation measures and of the resulting land invasion that forced many farmer to flee.
Mujati Sr is said to be still occupying the land for which the family were never compensated. It is alleged that they never received anything for any of their assets.
Mujati Junior made headlines last year when it was said his contract with the Golden Lions was null and void because he did not have a legal work permit. His contract with the Ellis Park outfit was cancelled with immediate effect and he later joined the Stormers.
Former All Black Grahame Thorne and British Lions and Ireland scrumhalf John Robbie were never capped for South Africa even though they were eligible. That is how jealously guarded the Springbok emblem was.
Read this letter that SupaRugby has received and decide for yourself whether Mujati should receive a Springbok blazer: the highest honour a SOUTH AFRICAN rugby player can achieve.
Tienie Martin's great grandfather, Marthinus Martin, arrived in the Eastern Highlands of what was then Southern Rhodesia in October 1894. Having led 104 settlers on a harrowing journey north from South Africa the new arrivals set about hacking a livelihood out of a largely deserted wilderness and helped pioneer commercial farming in the new country.
His grandson Marthinus (II) farmed on and became one of Rhodesia's top tobacco producers. Tienie (Marthinus III) grew up on Tiny Farm in Inyazura. Youngest of three brothers with two sisters the Martins were a pivotal family in the community with Marthinus (ii) widely respected by all, a patriarchal figure filling the role of informal, 'elder statesman'
Excelling at sport, Tienie shunned academia, much to the annoyance of his father who gave him one shot at university and meant it. Tienie was soon back on the plaas after a brief, fun-filled, but academically unrewarding sojourn at Tukkies where he represented Northern Transvaal and SA Universities at athletics.
But back in Rhodesia he was quickly noticed on the rugby field by the national selectors and earned his first national cap in 1966. By 1968 he was in line for Springbok honours when injury struck and he was ruled out of the South African tour of France.
In 1969 the British Barbarians, asked to choose the best fly-half they encountered on their southern Africa tour were unequivocal in their rating of him above Springbok Piet Visagie. Later that year there was criticism in the SA press when Martin was overlooked in favour of Mike Lawless. He was however chosen for the SA Gazelles and Springbok trials and also represented the SA 'B'. By 1971 his competitive career, marred by injury, was over but Tienie Martin had staked a claim for recognition as one of Rhodesia's greatest fly-halves. In the popularity stakes, with his good looks, charm and sense of humour Rhodesian rugby lost one it's most charismatic players.
Tienie was married to Charlotte in 1971. His father died in 1974 and he took over the farm, acquiring a reputation, in his own right, similar to his father's; liked and respected across the racial divide by all and a first-class farmer. "I don't think Tienie Martin has an enemy in the world," says former fellow-farmer and friend, Lochie Slabbert, "he is just one of the nicest people I have ever known".
But everything changed just after 1 o'clock on Monday 8th December of 2003 when 'occupiers' burst through the farm gates and told Tienie's daughter Shelly that they were taking Tiny Farm and wanted to see her father .
Hearing of the crisis nearby, a neighbour phoned Tienie who was in Harare at the time. He hastened back that afternoon to meet a large man accompanied by 12 youths in a belligerent mood. The man introduced himself as Joseph Mujati, handed Martin a letter and informed him that he was taking over the farm immediately.
Martin looked at the letter and noted that that it was for the acquisition of the adjacent property known as 'Tiny Extension' not Tiny Farm. He pointed out this fact to Mujati who said it was irrelevant and that the letter could be changed in two minutes to read Tiny Farm. He was adamant he wanted Tiny Farm and the Martin family home for 80 years.
He told Martin to start packing immediately and to get off the property.
"I insisted he was acting illegally," remembers Martin. "I phoned the police in Nyazura who arrived to tell me I would not be subjected to any violence but that I had to pack and leave in the morning.
"At the crack of dawn my wife Charlotte, my daughter Shelly and myself started packing. Our situation was made worse by the verbal abuse we were subjected to while trying to pack in the presence of two policemen. This carried on all the time but they could not wait for us to leave and the looting of the house started while we were still there. Not even my golf clubs were spared. 100m away my eldest daughter Shayne was also being harassed and verbally abused while trying to pack up her home. One policeman mentioned that he could not believe his eyes. He was standing witness to a crime and forbidden to do anything.
"We left that afternoon at 4:30pm with three vehicles and our furniture thanks to friends and neighbours who sent transport to assist us without us having to ask. We will be forever grateful. They were fantastic. I reminded myself that we were lucky we had not been beaten or murdered like so many others. My crops, livestock, tractors and workshop equipment were all left behind. In a few hours we had lost everything. Three generations had worked hard to build what was taken in a day.
"On the night of 12 December 2003, one of my workers who had been with me for 12 years was called by Mujati and accused of being a 'sell out'. He was beaten, tied up in a net and dumped into the swimming pool. He was lucky to survive. Another one of my workers who was looking after my cattle was subjected to threats and had to flee. He later returned to carry on with his work.
"The next day, a Saturday I went to the farm with the police but was not allowed into the yard and not allowed to speak to any of my workers. I was very worried about them and anxious to find out if they were alright but forbidden to do so. Mujati told me that he was now also the owner of my crops, and said he would pay for all of them as well as my equipment (to this day 4 years on I have not received a cent and have lost millions of rands). I had paprika, maize and tobacco almost ready to be reaped. He told me my workers were to stop working and that I should pay them their gratuities as he would then take them over, and that our domestic staff were to leave the farm.
"I was told by Mujati in the presence of a police Superintendent that none of my tractors and equipment would be used by him or moved off the farm. Soon after I left the tractors were sent out to work.
"After having meetings with the Governor of Manicaland I was told I could finish my crops, but was never allowed to do so. Then I had a call from Mujati telling me to get my cattle off the farm but I refused as I had no where to put them. He then ordered the cattle to be left in the pens with no water or food. A few days later I managed to get Mrs Harrison of the SPCA to visit the farm to try to save the cattle and she reported back that they were being looked after by my workers in spite of Mujati's instructions.
"On Tuesday (13th Jan) I obtained another High Court Order instructing me to return to my house and farm and remain there until all my crops had been reaped. After the case I agreed to meet Mujati at the farm on the Friday, but he did not appear.
"The next day a truckload of thugs arrived at the house I was temporarily staying at, warning me against meeting Mujati. They warned me not to go to the farm as I would be 'dealt with' and the house I was staying in would be burnt to the ground. The home did not belong to me. It belonged to very good friends of mine who were kind enough to let us stay there in the interim. The mob also told me that the police had nothing to do with this matter."
'Tienie' and Charlotte have not been back to their farm or home and live with little more than memories in a small rented town-house in Harare.
The homestead, so recently a study in rural refinement and elegance that radiated warmth and good cheer is dank and dark. The garden that once bloomed in a riot of colour, a testament to the life of 'Tienie's mother 'Miemps' and then Charlotte who tended it with passion and care, is now a mass of miserable weeds. The farm that pulsed with productive endeavour is derelict, and the buildings are broken. 'Tiny Farm' is sliding swiftly back into the state it was in when 'Tienie's forebears arrived over eighty years ago.
But there is a sad twist in the tail of this sad saga. Joseph Mujati looks set to do what Marthinus Martin failed to do; produce a rugby Springbok. Brian Mujati is an odds-on favourite to play against Wales.
Tuesday, June 3, 2008
STATISTICS OF WHITES IN S.A (AFRIKAANS)
Blankes is nie ryk nie
1. Inleiding
Hierdie dokument handel oor statistieke rakende die onderwerp van blanke armoede in Suid-Afrika, en is die teks van 'n toespraak gelewer deur Anton Barnard op die Konfederale Afrikanerforum se vergadering op 24 Julie 2004, waarvan die onderwerp blanke armoede was.
Die meeste van die inligting hierin vervat, is afkomstig van Statistiek Suid-Afrika, en is gebaseer op die nuutste beskikbare inligting, die 2001 Sensus. Die eerste gedeelte van hierdie dokument skets 'n demografiese prentjie van die blanke: hoeveel is daar in SA, hoe lyk sy ouderdomsprofiel en wat is sy peil van opvoeding. Die daaropvolgende gedeelte kyk na die realiteite van werkloosheid en armoede onder blankes, en laastens word die hoop dat ekonomiese groei Suid-Afrika se werkloosheidsprobleme sal oplos, bespreek.
In 'n onlangse artikel in die Mail & Guardian koerant gepubliseer, word Prof Lawrence Schlemmer aangehaal: "Today 430 000 whites, of a total white population of 4,5-million, are too poor to live in traditional white areas and 90 000 are in a survival struggle". Dit is 'n skrikwekkende syfer, aangesien dit beteken dat een uit elke tien blanke mense wat u op straat sien, arm is, en negentig duisend veg daagliks vir oorlewing. Die SA Instituut vir Rasseverhoudinge beraam dat blanke werkloosheid met 74% toegeneem het tussen 1998 en 2002 teenoor 'n gemiddeld van 39% vir alle bevolkingsgroepe. Dit beteken dat daar vandag in SA meer armblankes is as enige tyd sedert die Depressie in die dertigerjare.
2. Ras-en taalsamestelling in Suid-Afrika
Daar word in die 2001 sensussyfers nie 'n onderskeid getref tussen verskillende taalgroeperings nie, maar wel op grond van ras. Die onderstaande grafiek toon aan watter gedeelte van die blanke bevolking in Suid-Afrika Afrikaanssprekend is. Dit is in die omgewing van sestig persent. Die syfers in die res van hierdie dokument is gebaseer op totale vir die blanke rasgroep, en om die aantal blanke Afrikaners te bereken, moet die syfers elders in hierdie dokument met 0.6 vermenigvuldig word. Blankes is ongeveer 10% van die totale bevolking in Suid-Afrika, en dus kan mens aanneem dat ongeveer 6% van SA se totale bevolking blanke Afrikaners is, 'n volk van ongeveer 2.4 miljoen mense.
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(Bron: Statistiek SA)
3. Ouderdomsprofiel
Dit is duidelik dat blankes 'n tipiese, Westerse verouderingspatroon volg, naamlik dat die blanke bevolking verouder, veral in vergelyking met ander volke in Suid-Afrika. Die onderstaande grafieke toon dit duidelik. Die gemiddelde ouderdom vir 'n blanke Suid-Afrikaner is 34 jaar. Die gemiddelde ouderdom vir 'n swarte is slegs 24 jaar, wat aantoon hoe relatief oud die blanke bevolking teenoor die swart bevolking is.
'n Verdere buitengewone kenmerk van die ouderdomsprofiel vir blankes is die twee insinkings in die getalle, tussen 20 en 30 jaar en dan weer tussen 30 en 40-jarige ouderdom. As mens dit met die ouderdomsprofiel vir swartmense vergelyk, is dit duidelik dat die ouderdomsprofiel vir blankes nie die gewone klokvormige patroon volg nie. Hierdie twee insinkings kan verduidelik word deur eerstens die enorme aantal jongmense wat gebruik maak van Brittanje se stelsel van 'n tweejaar-werksvisum, waarskynlik omdat hulle op grond van hulle velkleur nie werk kan kry in Suid-Afrika nie. Die tweede insinking tussen 30 en 40-jarige maak sin as mens in ag neem dat verskeie skattings die aantal emigrante sedert 1994 op 1 miljoen raam.
(Bron: Statistiek SA)
(Bron: Statistiek SA)
4. Inkomsteprofiel van blankes
Dit is 'n algemene mite dat blankes in Suid-Afrika 'n eiland van buitensporige rykdom in 'n see van armoede op die Afrikakontinent verteenwoordig. Bogenoemde persepsie geld miskien vir die top twee persent van alle blankes (en inderdaad ook vir swartmense ook wat voordeel getrek het uit bemagtiging), maar die res is nie naastenby so wel daaraan toe as wat algemeen geglo word nie. Die tabel hieronder toon die maandelikse inkomste en aantal persone aan, asook 'n persentasie van die totaal waarin elke kategorie van inkomste val.
Maandelikse inkomste | Aantal blankes | Kumulatief | Kumulatiewe persentasie |
Geen | 40377 | 40377 | 2.2 |
R 1 - R 400 | 26319 | 66696 | 3.6 |
R 401 - R 800 | 41272 | 107968 | 5.8 |
R 801 - R 1600 | 129539 | 237507 | 12.8 |
R 1601 - R 3200 | 322945 | 560452 | 30.3 |
R 3201 - R 6400 | 527997 | 1088449 | 58.8 |
R 6401 - R 12800 | 437759 | 1526208 | 82.5 |
R 12801 - R 25600 | 216475 | 1742683 | 94.2 |
R 25601 - R 51200 | 73419 | 1816102 | 98.1 |
R 51201 - R 102400 | 27110 | 1843212 | 99.6 |
Meer as R 204801 | 7416 | 1850628 | 100.0 |
(Bron: Statistiek SA)
Die huidige mediaansalaris in die VSA wissel na gelang van ervaring, en is tussen 36000 dollar en 68000 dollar per jaar. Teen 'n wisselkoers van R6 beloop dit tussen R18000 en R34000 per maand. As mens bostaande Suid-Afrikaanse syfers vir inflasie aanpas, is die mediaaninkomste van Suid-Afrikaanse blankes ongeveer R3500 per maand, wat duidelik 'n klein fraksie is van die Amerikaanse mediaaninkomste. Daar is kennelik 'n verskil in die koopkrag van 'n rand in Suid-Afrika en 'n rand in die VSA, maar daardie verskil is nie naastenby groot genoeg om te kompenseer vir die verskil tussen Suid-Afrikaanse blankes en hul Westerse eweknieë in die VSA nie.
Die minimumloon in die VSA is $5.15 per uur. Dit impliseer dat 'n meerderheid van blankes (ongeveer 59%) maandeliks minder as die minimum maandelikse loon van 'n skottelgoedwasser by 'n McDonald's in die VSA verdien! Dit is dus duidelik dat blanke Suid-Afrikaners glad nie as ryk beskou kan word in internasionale terme nie.
5. Toegang tot kommunikasiemedia
Die volgende tabel reflekteer die proporsie van blanke huishoudings wat nie kommunikasiemiddele soos rekenaars en telefone besit nie. Meer as een uit elke vyf blanke gesinne het nie 'n telefoon by die huis nie, en meer as helfte van alle blanke huishoudings het nie 'n rekenaar tuis nie. In die VSA is die syfers vir rekenaarbesit ongeveer 80% van alle huishoudings (SA blankes 46%), en 98% van alle Amerikaanse huishoudings het 'n telefoon, teenoor 79% van blanke huishoudings in Suid-Afrika.
Toerusting | Persentasie van blanke huishoudings daarsonder |
Selfone | 25% |
Rekenaars | 54% |
Radio | 5% |
Telefoon | 21% |
Televisie | 7% |
(Bron: Statistiek SA en Surveys USA)
6. Behuising
Daar is 68909 blanke huishoudings, ongeveer 5% van die totaal, wat in wonings bly anders as konvensionele huise, woonstelle of meenthuise. Bogenoemde tipes wonings sluit in plakkershutte, karavane en kamers agter in ander mense se erwe. Bykans sewe duisend blanke gesinne (waarskynlik rondom 30 000 mense) woon letterlik in 'n plakkershut.
Tipe woning | Aantal huishoudings | Persentasie van die totaal |
Huis op ‘n woonerf | 1031295 | 73.1 |
Woonstel | 165590 | 11.7 |
Meenthuis | 143431 | 10.2 |
Woonstel of kamer in agterplaas van ander woning | 30947 | 2.2 |
Tradisionele woning (rondawels ens) | 15427 | 1.1 |
Kamer / woonstel op gedeelde eiendom | 11054 | 0.8 |
Plakkershut / informele struktuur in plakkerskamp | 4597 | 0.3 |
Karavaan of tent | 4536 | 0.3 |
Plakkershut / informele struktuur in agterplaas | 2348 | 0.17 |
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7. Regstellende aksie
In 1991 was 43% van die Suid-Afrikaanse polisiemag blank. Teen 2002 het hierdie persentasie gekrimp na 26% (bron: Instituut vir Sekerheidsstudies). Uit 'n totaal van ongeveer 100 000 polisiemanne, impliseer dit 'n verlies van 17000 blanke poste in die SAP alleen.
Volgens die SA Departement van arbeid is daar 9.1 miljoen mense in formele poste in diens in Suid-Afrika. Van daardie 9.1 miljoen mense, is 1.86 miljoen blankes. As 'n persentasie van die totale arbeidsmag, verteenwoordig blankes 20.4% van die totaal. Die regering se amptelike beleid is dat die werksplek die demografie van Suid-Afrika moet reflekteer, en dus sal die aantal blankes in formele diens moet verminder vanaf die huidige 1.86 miljoen na tien persent van die werksmag in ooreenstemming met hulle demografiese verteenwoordiging in Suid-Afrika, 900 000 mense, om aan die vereistes vir rasseverteenwoordiging te voldoen. Dit impliseer dat, sou die regering sy oogmerk met regstellende aksie bereik, bykans 'n miljoen blankes, dit wil sê meer as helfte van dié wat tans werk, hulle werk kwyt sal wees.
Ongeveer 64% van die blanke bevolking in Suid-Afrika het ten minste 'n matriek of verdere kwalifikasie. Dit vergelyk egter redelik swak met lande soos die VSA, Kanada en Brittanje, waar hierdie persentasie 75% of hoër is, maar is goed in vergelyking met Italië waar minder as 50% van alle mense 'n matriek of verdere kwalifikasie besit. Hierdie laer persentasie kan onder andere toegeskryf word aan die verlede, waar sekere ambagte byvoorbeeld vir blankes gereserveer was, en dit nie nodig was vir blankes om hulself beter te kwalifiseer nie. Dit beteken egter dat meer as een derde van alle blankes nie 'n formele kwalifikasie of selfs matriek het nie, en dus moet meeding met swartes wat alreeds bevoordeel word deur regstellende aksie.
Hoogste akademiese kwalifikasie | Persentasie van SA blankes ouer as 20 |
Tersiêre kwalifikasie | 24.1 |
Matriek | 40.7 |
Hoërskool sonder matriek | 32.8 |
Laerskool | 1.2 |
Geen | 1.2 |
(Bron: Statistiek SA)
Daar was in 2001 ongeveer 1,2 miljoen blanke skoliere of studente, wie grotendeels sonder enige vooruitsig op 'n werk sit as gevolg van regstellende aksie, omdat swart skoliere en graduandi bo hulle voorkeur vir poste sal geniet. As mens aanneem dat die gemiddelde duurte van 'n blanke se opvoedkundige loopbaan ongeveer twaalf jaar duur, beteken dit dat ongeveer 100 000 blanke skoliere en studente elke jaar hulle opleiding voltooi, sonder 'n redelike kans om 'n werk te bekom. Mens kan die impak hiervan duidelik waarneem in die ouderdomsprofiel van blankes elders in hierdie dokument, naamlik dat blanke jongmense op grootskaal na Brittanje uitwyk sodra hulle afgestudeer het.
Skoliere en studente | Aantal blankes van 5 tot 24 jaar oud |
Voltyds | 834264 |
Deeltyds | 48842 |
Studeer nie | 367775 |
Nie gespesifiseer nie | 27571 |
Totaal | 1278453 |
(Bron: Statistiek SA)
8. Werkloosheid
Suid-Afrika se werkloosheidsprobleem het oor die afgelope tien jaar dramaties toegeneem. Volgens Oxford Universiteit se Centre for the Study of African Economics in Brittanje, het werkloosheid volgens 'n breë definisie (insluitende diegene wat moed opgegee het en nie meer aktief werk soek nie) van 31% in 1993 na 41.8% in 2002 vermeerder, dit wil sê met ongeveer 35%.
Blanke werkloosheid neem egter veel vinniger as werkloosheid vir alle groepe toe. Die Instituut vir Sekerheidstudies beraam dat blanke werkloosheid sedert 1995 verdubbel het, dit wil sê met 100% gestyg het, teenoor die 35% vir alle bevolkingsgroepe hierbo genoem. Emfuleni, die Vaaldriehoek se munisipaliteit, het byvoorbeeld volgens Statistiek SA se syfers slegs 4339 werklose blankes. As mens egter in ag neem dat Yskor in die Vaaldriehoek alleen 16000 poste afgeskaf het, lyk die syfers van Statistiek Suid-Afrika vir die 2001 sensus uiters verdag en na 'n reuse onderskatting van die omvang van die probleem in blanke geledere. Mens kan spekuleer dat die ware syfers miskien twee of drie maal die getalle hieronder behoort te wees.
Die tabel hieronder bevat nietemin die top tien munisipaliteite in terme van blanke werkloosheid, met die aantal werklose blankes, volgens die amptelike definisie. Dit sluit diegene uit wat pakkette geneem het, nie ekonomies aktief is nie, of nie meer na werk soek nie.
Munisipaliteit | Aantal werklose blankes, amptelike definisie |
Ekurhuleni Metro (Oosrand) | 17861 |
Johannesburg Metro | 14907 |
Pretoria: Tshwane Metro | 13211 |
Kaapstad | 11987 |
Durban: Ethekwini | 8399 |
Port Elizabeth: Nelson Mandela | 4680 |
Emfuleni | 4339 |
City Council of Klerksdorp | 2361 |
Mogale Stad | 2258 |
Buffalo Stad | 1915 |
(Bron: Statistiek SA)
Die kaarte hieronder toon die verspreiding in werkloosheid per munisipale distrik in Suid-Afrika, en ook in die omgewing van Gauteng. Hoe donkerder die skakering, hoe 'n hoër aantal blankes sit sonder werk. Dit is duidelik dat in terme van getalle, die grootste probleem met werkloosheid onder blankes in die stedelike sentra gekonsentreer is, byvoorbeeld in Gauteng, die Vaaldriehoek, die Vrystaatse goudvelde, Bloemfontein, Durban, Oos-Londen, Port Elizabeth en die Weskaap.
Geografiese verspreiding van werkloosheid onder blankes, Suid-Afrika
Geografiese verspreiding van werkloosheid onder blankes, Gauteng
9. Lê die oplossing in ekonomiese groei vir die hele Suid-Afrika?
Daar bestaan deesdae die neiging selfs uit die geledere van politieke partye met 'n meerderheid van hulle lede onder Afrikaanse blankes, om hoop te vestig op die toekomstige ekonomiese groei in Suid-Afrika, wat die armes uit hul armoede sal ophef, en sodoende 'n beter lewe vir almal sal verseker. Die ekonomiese realiteite spreek egter van die teendeel.
Die Nuwe Suid-Afrika se ontstaan het min of meer saamgeval met die opkoms van twee Asiese reuse, China en Indië. Suid-Afrika sit met 'n geweldige ooraanbod van ongeskoolde arbeid, asook 'n ekonomie wat van die uitvoer van kommoditeite en grondstowwe afhanklik is. Mynbou en landbou, albei sektore wat kommoditeite en grondstowwe produseer, word toenemend meer kapitaal-intensief, en daar is druk op beide sektore om van werksgeleenthede ontslae te raak. Vir Suid-Afrika om werksgeleenthede by te kry, sal daar eerder op die dienste- en vervaardigingssektore gekonsentreer moet word. Ongelukkig moet Suid-Afrika dan meeding met lande soos China en Indië. Indië het onlangs 'n geweldige opbloei in sy dienstesektor beleef, aangesien hy oor 'n groot aantal goedgekwalifiseerde, Engelssprekende werkers beskik, en China se ekonomiese groei die afgelope paar jaar, grootliks op vervaardiging gebaseer, kan eerder as 'n ontploffing beskryf word.
Sedert 1994 het Suid-Afrika se ekonomiese groeikoers slegs gemiddeld 2.8% per jaar beloop, terwyl die natuurlike aanwas in die bevolking tussen 2 en 3% per jaar is, en dit sluit die enorme toestroming van onwettige immigrante uit die res van Afrika uit. Vergelyk die 8-12% jaarlikse groei van Indië en China, albei lande met meer as 'n miljard mense elk (bron: The Economist) met Suid-Afrika se powere prestasie van minder as drie persent, en dit is duidelik dat 'n groot skroef iewers in SA se ekonomie los is.
As gevolg van ontoepaslike arbeidswetgewing in Suid-Afrika, wat buitensporige minimumlone vereis vir 'n derdewêreldland (die minimumloon in China is 60 dollar per maand, vergeleke met 'n minimumloon van 190 dollar per maand in Suid-Afrika), asook te veel wetlike struikelblokke in die pad van indiensneming, is dit teen besighede se belang om mense in diens te neem, en het SA sedert 1994 geen werksgeleenthede bygekry nie, maar inteendeel 2 miljoen werksgeleenthede verloor. Suid-Afrika se arbeid is kortom te swak opgelei, militant en duur om met ander lande mee te ding. Die resultaat daarvan is eenvoudig dat arbeid in Suid-Afrika met kapitaalintensiewe masjinerie vervang word.
Die prentjie in terme van buitelandse direkte investering, wat baie mense as noodsaaklik beskou om ekonomiese groei aan te wakker, lyk sleg in Suid-Afrika. In 2002 het SA minder as 'n miljard dollar aan sulke investering ontvang, in vergelyking met China se meer as 50 miljard dollar. Die saak word vererger deur die lae vlakke van binnelandse investering. Ten spyte van o.a. Afrikaanse sakelui wat hoog opgee oor hoe positief hulle teenoor die nuwe Suid-Afrika is, is die investering binnelands slegs 15% van BBP, teenoor die internasionale norm van 25%. Dit verteenwoordig duidelik 'n mosie van wantroue vanuit die geledere van sakelui in die toekoms van Suid-Afrika, mooi praatjies teenoor die ANC ten spyt.
Selfs al sou ons ons hoop vestig op 'n wonderbaarlike verdubbeling in SA se jaarlikse groeikoers na 6-8%, en die aanname maak dat werksgeleenthede ook teen daardie tempo sal groei, iets wat nie oor die afgelope tien jaar gebeur het nie (inteendeel, dit het gekrimp), sal werkloosheid nooit uitgewis word nie, aangesien die aanwas van die bevolking en onwettige immigrasie die groei in werksgeleenthede sal uitkanselleer.
Vir blankes lyk die prentjie dus nie rooskleurig nie. Dit sou onrealisties wees om te hoop op 'n goue ekonomiese toekoms vir Suid-Afrika, wat sal veroorsaak dat regstellende aksie gaan verdwyn, omdat genoeg mense dan werk sou hê.
WELCOME TO THE POST APARTHEID,WONDERFUL MURDEROUS SOUTH AFRICAN BLOG
PLEASE TAKE NOTE THAT THIS BLOG IS A COMPILATION OF VARIOUS OTHER BLOGS, NEWSPAPER CLIPPINGS, PERSONAL VIEWS- AND LETTERS.
THIS BLOG DOES NOT NECCESARILY PORTRAY THE PERSONAL POINT OF VIEW OF THE AUTHOR- AND THE AUTHOR CANNOT BE HELD RESPONSIBLE FOR OTHER INDIVIDUALS PERSONAL POINT OF VIEW ON THIS BLOG, NATIONALLY- OR INTERNATIONALLY.
All whites has to be erradicated from all levels in the country, whether it is financially, schooling, sports, work- you call it- whites are eliminated and excluded by force. The ANC has their "Diplomatic" terms for it- Affirmative action, BEE, Quotas, Equity acts, Land Distribution, etc, etc- but their bottom goal is to clean Africa from whites! Hundreds of aliens are welcome to work, stay- and vote in SA- so long they do not appear in their WHITE pajamas- otherwise- they are free to enter and get all the royalties SA can offer. White citizens in SA can only get ONE royalty the regime has to offer: The royalty of leaving SA!
Uncanny -isn't it: The ANC- mostly aliens themselves- are now alienating true SA citizens- and claiming the country belongs to THEM ( Sounds very much parasitic to me)
This Blog also want to show the world what type and caliber our so-called "government" really are- the thievery, banality, corruption, denails, communism, witch hunts, racism, hate speeches agains whites, "don't care" attitudes, gravy train riding, cliques , lavish money spending, exauburant salaries and many more attrocities under the banner of "Democracy."
Never in the history of this country- was there such an esculation of crime, corruption and "high profile"-if you can attach that term- arrests as when this corrupt regime took over.
Since the ANC international supported hi-jack of SA- everything falls apart- and are in shambles: The Defence Force, Education, Medical sector, Police Force, City Councels, Airports, Borders...and about everything that is being run by an ANC deligate. Now the ONE unit that actually made a success- The Scorpions- are to be dismantled because too many ANC "comrades" are caught for corruption- and sent to jail, where they belong. Zuma and his corruption with Shabir Sheik- after he just-just missed jail for rape, and Mbeki and the top clique for having a couple of front companies where millions of rands are swooping through.
We also remembered the Scorpions zeroing-in on other top criminals like Jackie Selebe (So-Called Police Commisioner), The Parliamentary Flygate bunch, Crooked Toni Yengeni (M.E.C), Mantho Tshabalala Msimang and her ex-Botswana corruption history when she ran away, Pnuel Maduna and the millions of litres of oil he sold and deposit the takings in ANC accounts, Nkosana Zuma and the cool 50 million donated for AIDS she squandered, The Vice president and her 40 thousand she spent on a luxury holiday from taxpayer's funds and so-on and so-on. The list just keep on growing. NOW you know why the elite unit HAS to be stopped- otherwise SA will sit without a government by the end of 2008...all back in jail where most came from!! We will not even go down in history as far as '94 when other criminal ANC "high-ups" like Winnie "Necklace" Mandella and her "soccer team" rattled the ANC beloved liberal world with the Stompie Sepei murder- one she did not even go to jail for- and her thousands of rands of debt!
We do not even talk of Mr. Robert McBride of the Mangoo's Bar bomb slaugter- who was found guilty- sat 3 wonderful years in prison, became Mbeki's attache in Chille- and now SECURITY CHIEF- again in court for "Marxist" tipe of rule in the councel, corruption- and drunk while driving. One of these days there will be more ANC top-hats in jail that common criminals!! Now the Scorpions are dismantled for doing their job too good- instead of the whole ANC parliament being fired!!!
Currently- SA is being run by Lethuli house, The millions of unions, the Communist Party, thousands of ANC affiliated "Groups & Leagues- and the top ANC clique.
SA has three unconditional laws since the ANC took hold of our system:
1. IF IT MOVES- KILL IT-
2. IF IT LIES MOTIONLESS- RAPE IT-
3. IF IT DOES NONE OF THE ABOVE- STEAL IT.
Thus the reason why capital punishment was abolished by the ruling regime- they were too scared that should the death penalty stay- most of their comrades would've been wiped out- it is a natural common way of life in Africa. If something stands in your way of progress- be a natural warrior- and kill it. Young Africans are taught to rape virgins to cure themselves from aids. You can't steal- you just take what you want/need. Nothing wrong in participating in the above three catogories, because all blacks have "Ubuntu"(Goodness) in them- so- you have no evil in you.(That is reserved for whites.)
We hope that those 'Free the ANC" liberal movements and past as well as current donators will open their eyes to the horrible reality in S.A- not only are S.A whites slaughered- but also white tourists from YOUR countries. Please wake-up- and stop your donations to this ruling racist regime.
If you are still unsure of the situation- please do what you are so good at: Send in the camera troops unnoticed for- say 3 weeks (Just tell them to hold on tight to their cameras, equipment and cellphones)....and see for yourself the deterrioration of a country that once was a leader in many technologies. You murdered our country for your own personal gain- so, if you have any concious left- stop this bullying non-functional government now! Remember- this is not SA anymore....THIS IS NOW GANGLAND, and we are ruled by the norm of this new system- Crime, corruption, murder, rape....and o- I forgot- GOVERNMENT DENAIL AT ALL TIMES!
NOW- LET US INTRODUCE A SHORT BACKGROUND OF YOUR ELECTED "DEMOCRATIC" ANC "GOUVERNMENT" YOU SO NEATLY SCREAMED FOR........
INSIDE QUADRO
End of an Era
The first-hand testimony by former combatants of Umkhonto we Sizwe (MK) about the cruel ANC prison regime are an event in South African history. Never before has such concentrated factual evidence been presented about the inner nature of the ANC and its eminence grise, the South African Communist Party.
- If people wish to understand the current operation of the ANC/SACP, they must look here:
- http://www.revolutionary-history.co.uk/supplem/Hirson/Quadro.html
The ANC/SACP did a very good job in preventing public knowledge of its secret history from emerging. Those who survived the Gulag system of the ANC/SACP did so knowing that to reveal what they had been through meant re-arrest, renewed tortures and in all probability, death. They had to sign a form committing them to silence!
KGB-directed torture chambers led to suicides...
These ex-detainces in Nairobi have revealed that other prisoners, including Leon Madakeni, star of the South African film Wanaka, as well as Nomhlanhla Makhuba and another person known as Mark, committed suicide rather than suffer re-arrest at the hands of their KGB-trained guardians. Madakeni drove a tractor up a steep incline in Angola, put it into neutral and died as it somersaulted down the hill ...
- The ex-guerrillas in Nairobi displayed immense courage in speaking out publicly - their courage might have contributed to secure the lives of eight colleagues who had fled Tanzania through Malawi hoping to reach South Africa on the principle that better a South African jail than the ANC 'security.'
- This group, including two leaders of the mutiny in the ANC camps in Angola in 1984, arrived in South Africa in April, were immediately detained at Jan Smuts Airport by the security police for interrogation, and then released three weeks later.
- The day after their release they gave a press conference in Johannesburg, confirming the account of the mutiny published on this page.
This regimen of terror, extending beyond the gates of the ANC/SACP `Buchenwald' of Quadro, was a necessary element in the total practice of repression and deception which made the Anti-Apartheid Movement the most successful Popular Front lobby for Stalinism anywhere in the world.
- No international Stalinist-run public organization has ever had such an influence and shown such stability, reaching into so many major countries, for so long
- Vital to its success has been a practice of open and covert censorship The ANC's prisoners were its necessary sacrificial-victims.
The KGB in Africa
The prison system to which they were subject goes back to the late 1960s. It was the successor and the complement to the prison system on which blacks in South Africa are weaned with their mothers' milk.
- In 1969 one of the editors of this journal met two South Africans in London who said they had fought in the first MK guerrilla operation in mid-1967 - a disastrous fiasco across the Zambezi River into the Wankie area of Rhodesia, along with guerrillas from the Zimbabwe African People's Union (ZAPU), then led by James Chikerema.
- (The ZAPU president, Joshua Nkomo, was in detention).
- The two men described how they had eventually succeeded in escaping from Rhodesia, and how their criticism of the operation had led to their imprisonment in an ANC camp in Tanzania.
- An article on the theme appeared the same year in the British radical newspaper Black Dwarf then edited by Tariq Ali.
The revelations by the Nairobi five indicate how little has changed. In his book on black politics in South Africa since 1945, Tom Lodge, (Black politics in South Africa Since 1945, Ravan, 1987), writes:
In 1968 a batch of Umkhonto defectors from camps in Tanzania sought asylum in Kenya, alleging that there was widespread dissatisfaction within the camps. They accused their commanders of extravagant living and ethnic favouritism. The first Rhodesian mission, they alleged, was a suicide mission to eliminate dissenters. In political discussions no challenge to a pro-Soviet position was allowed (p300).
- From 1968 to 1990, nothing basic altered in the ANC's internal regime in the camps, except that in the high noon of the Brezhnev era it operated para-statal powers under civil war conditions in Angola, where a large Cuban and Soviet presence permitted the ANC security apparatus to 'bestride the narrow world like a Colossus.'
From the account of the ex-mutineers, ANC administrative bodies ruled over its elected bodies, the security department ruled over the administrative organs, and KGB-trained officials - no doubt members of the SACP - ruled over the security apparatus.
- Umkhonto we Sizwe functioned as an extension in Africa of the KGB.
- Its role in the civil war in Angola was to serve primarily as a surrogate to Soviet foreign policy interests, so that when the ANC rebels proposed that their fight be diverted to South Africa this counted as unpardonable cheek, to be ruthlessly punished.
- Over its own members, the ANC security apparatus ruled with all the arrogance of a totalitarian power.
There is a direct line of connection between the ANC reign of terror in its prisons - which a UN High Commission for Refugees official described as more frightening than Swapo prisons - and the 'necklace' killings exercised by ANC supporters within South Africa, especially during the period of the 1984-86 township revolt, but now once again revived against oppositional groupings such as Azapo.
- (The ANC's' necklace' politics was also a definite contributory element provoking the carnage in Natal). Two former ANC prisoners, Similo Boltina and his wife Nosisana, were in fact necklaced on their return to South Africa in 1986, after having been repatriated by the Red Cross (letter from Bandile Ketelo, 9 April 1990).
- When leaders of the Mass Democratic Movement publicly expressed their 'outrage’ at Winnic Mandela's 'obvious complicity’ in the abduction and assault on 14 year-old Stompie Mocketsi Seipe, leading to his murder, this was in response to very widespread and very well-founded revulsion among Soweto residents - especially ANC supporters such as members of the Federation of Transvaal Women (Fetraw).
- They were enraged by the jackboot politics of the so-called Mandela United Football Team, whose 'coach` - to the satisfaction of Fetraw members - has been convicted of Stompie's murder.
- This squad of thugs, based in Mrs Mandela’s house, acted within Soweto in the same way that the ANC/SACP security acted abroad, in Angola, Tanzania, Zambia, Mozambique, Ethiopia and Uganda.
The welcome of Captain Dirk Coetzee, head of the regime's assassination squad, into the arms of the ANC is an indication of the future course of development, as is the decision by the new Swapo government in Namibia to appoint a number of top South African security policemen, including the former chief of police in the Ovambo region, Derek Brune, to head its secret organs of coercion.
The South African prison system was replicated in the ANC prisons even into everyday terminology, above all at Quadro. This is a name that requires to become common currency in political discourse: it is the Portuguese for `No.4' the name used throughout South Africa for the notorious black section of the prison at the Fort.
Sneers by warders at soft conditions in 'Five Star Hotels', the common description of punishment cells as 'kulukudu' and the whole atmosphere of brutal crassness is quintessentially South African, spiced with the added sadism of the Gulag. The ANC prison system combined the worst of South African and of Russian conditions fused together, and it is this new social type - as a refinement and augmentation of each - that is now offered to the people of South Africa as the symbol of freedom.
Read the entire terrifying tale here:
http://www.revolutionary-history.co.uk/supplem/Hirson/Quadro.html
READ one of the original ANC reports on:
http://www.anc.org.za/ancdocs/misc/skweyiya.html
....AND THEY HAVEN'T LOST THEIR MURDEROUS APETITE YET...
KwaMashu, still my home"-- Hate-speech movie against Asians and Whites features ANC-leader Zuma:
April 7 2008 - By Adriana Stuijt. The following You-Tube film extract is from an upcoming documentary KWA MASHU: STILL MY HOME, directed by the African-American anti-slavery filmmaker Owen 'Alik Shahadah.
http://youtube.com/watch?v=Ae-Pe0HBKsM&feature=related
It was produced by the South African business K-CAP and UK business Halaqah Films together with the African Holocaust Society.
http://www.africanholocaust.net
Owen 'Alik Shahadah, who refers to South Africa as "Azania", is actively engaged in spreading hate-speech among blacks with his films, targetting Asians and whites in South Africa, grotesquely even claiming that "South Africa is under majority-European and Asian control'...
He writes:
"South Africa is under majority-European and Asian control... across the board there is always a white face holding senior rank, might it be Zulu lodges, private game reserves, tour operators, hoteliers, all exclusively non-African. And to add to this the Africans employed do not hold any managerial positions...
"On any given day in Durban it is possible to see large exclusive congregation of Asians around central social business spots like restaurants. A brief tour of Durban shows a stark monopoly of supermarket ownership, restaurants, practically everything that is worth owning. Even the small one-man street vendor trades are dominated by them. And now with the “death” of Apartheid the European and Asian business are venturing into the townships, the heart of the African community, and setting-up large business...
http://www.africanholocaust.net/articles/SOUTH%20AFRICA%2010%20DAYS.htm
http://youtube.com/watch?v=Ae-Pe0HBKsM&feature=related
He is an avid supporter of Jacob Zuma, new leader of the African National Congress ruling party, and who is widely seen as the future new president of S.Africa.
http://www.timesonline.co.uk/tol/news/world/africa/article3065419.ece
'NO WHITES' SIGN AT MAFIKENG APARTMENT BUILDING
March 16 2008 - The black residents association of this state-owned apartment building in Mafikeng who posted this sign still insist that 'they aren't racists - they just don't want any whites to buy into the building...'
Read the entire sad tale here:
Senior ANC MP makes death-threat gesture to white MP
The woman in this picture is the ruling ANC party's parliamentarian Winkie Direko, caught in the act of making an offensive death-threat gesture to the Democratic Alliance MP Dianne Kohler-Barnard in the SA parliament. Winkie is the former premier of the Free State. The parliament was in session at the time.
March 5 2008 - CAPE TOWN. The Democratic Alliance opposition party has laid a charge against Winkie Direko, the former premier of the Free State, after the ANC-MP made an very offensive death-threat gesture at DA MP Dianne Kohler-Barnard during a sitting of parliament.
Direko drew her finger across her throat (see pictures above) when Kohler Barnard was asking questions of Safety & Security minister Charles Nkakula relating to the dissolution of the Scorpions police unit.
Ian Davidson of the DA commented that Direko’s shocking gesture served to heighten racial tension and promoted hatred and anti-White violence which was already wide-spread in South Africa.
...AND YOU JUST CAN FOLLOW THESE LINKS IF YOU STILL WONDERS........