Monday, August 4, 2008





Mbeki took R30m and gave some to Zuma Special Investigation By Megan Power and Jocelyn Maker Published:Aug 03, 2008

Thabo Mbeki and Jacob Zuma Picture: REUTERS

HIGH AND DRY: The SAS Manthatisi at a dry dock in Simon’s Town. The submarine encountered problems as early at 2006, on its maiden voyage from the shipyard in Germany to South Africa

When questioned by investigators in South Africa, Mbeki claimed that R2-million was given to his former deputy president Jacob Zuma and the rest went to the ANC
Shocking extract from the secret report
Sensational claims, broken promises

A German shipbuilding giant paid President Thabo Mbeki R30m to guarantee it won the submarine contract in South Africa’s multibillion-rand arms deal. Mbeki gave R2m of this to Jacob Zuma and the rest to the ANC.

  • The Billion-Rand Dud

  • The Dud Submarine

  • AUDIO: Why we published details of the arms deal

  • The arms-deal truth must out, once and for all

    This staggering new allegation has surfaced for the first time in a secret report compiled in 2007 by a UK specialist risk consultancy.

    The consultancy was commissioned by a leading Central European manufacturer to investigate the worldwide activities and “questionable business practices” of the shipbuilder, MAN Ferrostaal, which had launched a hostile takeover bid against it.

    The suspected shady practices included bribery, corruption, money laundering and a failure to deliver on its investment commitments to the countries to which it sold weapons.

    Other than South Africa, the probe involved arms deals in Libya, Nigeria, Angola, the Democratic Republic of the Congo and Zimbabwe.

    The Sunday Times has also established that the report which makes the Mbeki-Zuma allegation is in the possession of the office of the director-general of the European Commission’s External Relations in Brussels, and the Munich state attorney in Germany.

    MAN Ferrostaal, which led the German Submarine Consortium (GSC), won the contract to sell three submarines to the SA Navy, for more than R6-billion.

    In return, it promised to build a R6-billion stainless steel mill at Coega in the Eastern Cape, which it promised would provide 1000 direct jobs and 3000 indirect jobs.

    The project, which promised billions of rands in export and local sales, has not happened.

    On page eight of the report under the South African section of the probe, it alleges:

    “A former South African official who had access to such information informed us in confidence that Ferrostaal paid R30-million to current President Thabo Mbeki to gain the arms contract in the first place.

    “When questioned by investigators in South Africa, Mbeki claimed that R2-million was given to his former deputy president Jacob Zuma and the rest went to the ANC.”

    The report says it was “unlikely that this information will be leaked in the near future because Mbeki maintains a tight (rein) on the National Prosecuting Authority where this matter would be dealt with”.

    Mbeki’s presidential spokes-man, Mukoni Ratshitanga, said: “These allegations have been in the public domain for some time, which gives lie to the assertion that they are, for whatever reason, ‘unlikely (to) ... be leaked in the near future’. They are of such fantastical proportions as not to warrant any response.”

    The Sunday Times pointed out to Ratshitanga that this was in fact a new allegation. He failed to respond.

    ANC spokesman Jesse Duarte said: “Any person anywhere in the world who has evidence of corruption should take it to the police. Anyone can write a document and claim it is authentic.”

    The report also states that South African intelligence services have proof that MAN Ferrostaal paid the bribe to Mbeki.

    MAN Ferrostaal dismissed the allegations as a “fishing expedition” intended to damage its reputation and that of the South African government.

    A number of arms dealers who were involved in bidding for the contracts told the Sunday Times that they knew Zuma acted as Mbeki’s front man during the arms deal negotiations.

    They said some of them were summoned to meet Zuma a number of times, and that at least once the four Shaik brothers, Chippy, Mo, Yunis and Schabir, were present.

    At these meetings the dealers were told that if they wanted to do business, it had to be through the Shaiks. Yesterday Yunis Shaik said this was “all just lies”.

    Others involved in the negotiations told the Sunday Times that bribes had been solicited from them.

    They said that during the deal many of the high-ranking politicians and officials involved were so greedy they even asked for money, jewellery and perfume for their wives and girlfriends.

    Tipp-Ex and Some Dodgy Deeds

    In another twist in the arms deal saga, the Sunday Times has come into possession of a draft report into the submarine contract, drawn up by the attorney-general in May 2001. This draft, which has never been made public, was diluted and sanitised before being included in the final report of the Joint Investigation Team, set up to probe the arms deal.

    It has emerged from the document that the process of evaluating bidders for the submarines was skewed and highly suspect. The draft says it is apparent that “deviations from the approval process occurred” and that “good procurement practices were lacking”, including:

  • The changing of the overall evaluation formula to favour the preferred bidder, eventually Ferrostaal/GSC;

  • That Tipp-Ex was used on the evaluation working papers, contrary to instructions. These corrections were not initialled by anyone. The attorney-general questioned what impact this would have had on the evaluation process. He said someone else could possibly have purposely altered an assessment ; and

  • There were questions raised about the high score given to Ferrostaal’s Coega stainless steel offset project. What the President Brushed Aside

    The Sunday Times has established that Mbeki, when presented with the August 1999 affordability study which assessed the economic and financial impact of the arms deal, chose to ignore it and two vital independent steel reports attached to it.

    These warned that Ferrostaal’s stainless steel offset project — the local investment pledge on which it won the submarine deal — was high risk and likely to fail. The studies were conducted by two of the world’s top steel experts, London’s Warburg Dillon Read and New York’s Locker Associates.

    The affordability study and its annexures, presented to Mbeki almost a year after he announced who would get the submarine contract , have never been released to the public.

    Circulation of this document has, over the past nine years, been strictly controlled.

    Locker Associates warned that the mill, with an annual capacity of 800 000 ton stainless flat-rolled steel, was highly risky.

    Warburg Dillon Read said that South Africa did not need another steel plant in addition to the many in the country.

    Paul Dunne, a professor of economics at the University of the West of England, who specialises in the economics of peace, security and military spending, described the affordability study as “a very thorough piece of work”.

    “I think ignoring these warnings was most definitely reckless,” he said.

    The Story So Far

    In 1995 the ministry of defence highlighted the need to restructure the new South African National Defence Force.

    The defence review of 1998 said the SANDF needed to be re-equipped to meet the national security needs of the new democracy. The review aimed to provide credible and convincing reasons for investing large amounts of money in defence.

    The result was the proposal of a multibillion-rand strategic arms procurement package, now widely known as “the arms deal” .

    By the end of 1999, the South African government had signed contracts totalling 4.8-billion (R30-billion in 1999 rands) to modernise its defence equipment, which included the purchase of corvettes, submarines, light utility helicopters, lead-in fighter trainers and advanced light fighter aircraft.

    Since then taxpayers have forked out billions of rands to pay for the massive loans that the government took out from banking institutions around the world.

  • The ANC's Oilgate

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    A Mail & Guardian investigation into covert party funding has revealed how R11-million of public money was diverted to African National Congress coffers ahead of the 2004 elections.

    In what may be the biggest political funding scandal since 1994, the M&G has established that South Africa's state oil company, PetroSA, irregularly paid R15-million to Imvume Management -- a company closely tied to the ANC -- at a time when the party was desperate for funds to fight elections.

    The M&G possesses bank statements and has seen other forensic evidence proving that Imvume transferred the lion's share of this to the ANC within days. PetroSA this week said it was unaware of this. The ANC denied impropriety and said it was not obliged to discuss its funders.

    The scheme unfolded in two stages. First, PetroSA management bent over backwards to pay Imvume the money as an advance for the procurement of oil condensate. Then, when Imvume diverted the funds to the ANC instead of paying its own foreign suppliers, PetroSA had to cover the shortfall by paying the same amount again.

    A multimillion-rand hole remains in the parastatalis books. PetroSA has gone through the motions to recover the debt by suing Imvume -- but most of it remains outstanding.

    The effect of the entire transaction was that PetroSA, and ultimately the taxpayer, subsidised the ruling party's election campaign: a blatant abuse of public resources.

    Imvume's role as an ANC "front company" first emerged in February last year when the M&G exposed its oil dealings with Saddam Hussein's Iraq. Imvume principal Sandi Majali obtained lucrative crude oil allocations from that regime when he travelled to Iraq with top ANC officials between 2000 and 2002. More recently, Imvume described its boss as ANC secretary-general Kgalema Motlanthe's "economic adviser".

    Full replies (pdf)
  • ANC & Motlanthe's response
  • Petro SA's response
  • Imvume and Majali's response

  • Supporting documents (pdf)
  • Imvume company profile

  • PetroSA vs Imvume Management (pdf)
  • Imvume debt acknowledgement
  • PetroSA undertaking to Glencore
  • Legal correspondence
  • Summons and particulars
  • Majali replying affidavit

  • InfoGraphic

    The transaction in a nutshell

    But it was the diversion of the Petro-SA money four months ahead of the 2004 elections that is now lifting the lid on the funding scandal.

    The deal puts the spotlight on PetroSA's management, which approved the payment; Imvume boss Majali, who asked for the advance and then issued the cheques to the ANC; and Motlanthe, who was Majali's ANC patron.

    Click Here!

    Imvume, now unable to pay its debts, was once the empowerment pin-up of the oil industry.

    The contract that caused all the trouble was awarded by PetroSA to Imvume on October 15 2002 -- the day President Thabo Mbeki publicly launched PetroSA as the national oil company.

    Under the contract, Imvume -- with the backing of Swiss-based resource trader Glencore International -- was to supply PetroSA with regular cargoes of condensate, a feedstock for PetroSA's Mossel Bay gas-to-liquid fuels plant.

    A number of condensate cargoes were delivered to Mossel Bay during 2003. The standard contractual procedure was for PetroSA to pay Imvume the full cargo price no later than 30 days after the bill of lading date (the date the cargo was loaded for shipment to Mossel Bay).

    Once it received payment from PetroSA, Imvume would immediately pay it on to Glencore, which sourced the cargo on international markets. Glencore paid Imvume a commission.

    But in December 2003 the pattern was broken, and PetroSA has confirmed that standard procedure was departed from. The bill of lading date for that cargo was December 6 2003, meaning PetroSA's payment for the cargo -- worth $10-million (about R65-million) -- was due on January 5 2004. But Imvume's Majali asked PetroSA for an advance of R15-million (just more than $2-million of the $10-million) which was paid even before the cargo was discharged on December 22. PetroSA paid the advance into a different account to that usually used by Imvume for the contract.

    Evidence in the M&G's possession confirms that Imvume Management's corporate account was credited with R15-million a day later, on December 19. And the M&G has seen forensic proof that within the next four days, Imvume's Majali issued a series of four cheques to the ANC -- for R4-million, R3-million and R2-million (twice). These cheques, totalling R11-million, were all transacted on December 23.

    This week Majali and Imvume did not dispute that the money was paid to the ANC, but claimed their support for the party was a "private affair".

    The transfers to the ANC came four months before the elections, held on April 14 2004. A number of sources have described the party's financial straits around that time, claiming it had a bank overdraft typically running at more than R100-million.

    When payment for the cargo became due to Glencore on January 5, Imvume failed to pay the company the R15-million advance -- and, effectively, also withheld another R3-million from the balance owed.

    Glencore turned to PetroSA for what it was owed, eventually threatening in February not to offload the next cargo. PetroSA agreed to cover the shortfall of R18-million, for fear that the Mossel Bay plant would run out of feedstock, leading to greater losses. Effectively, PetroSA paid R18-million twice -- once to Imvume, and once to Imvume's supplier.

    PetroSA maintains that the special circumstances of the empowerment environment largely excuse the actions of its management. It also denies that there was pressure from either the Minerals and Energy Ministry or the ANC to approve the advance to Imvume.

    Circumstances, however, suggest that empowerment is not a sufficient explanation and that Imvume's ANC links played a role. These links were no secret in oil trading circles. A businessman active in the sector told the M&G last year: "It was talked about when they got tenders ... that it was an ANC company ... I certainly understand that ANC fundraising has a keen interest."

    The advance payment to Imvume was irregular in that it was a departure from standard procedures. PetroSA maintains procurement policy allows for advance payments, but admits it "should have checked" whether the money was going into the usual account.

    When the transaction with Imvume blew up in its face, PetroSA continued treating the company with kid gloves.

    On February 23 last year, four days after PetroSA had been forced to settle Imvume's debt with Glencore, Majali signed an acknowledgement of debt to PetroSA, agreeing to repay the R18-million plus interest within 90 days. He also ceded his company's revenue stream as security. But Imvume paid nothing in terms of that agreement.

    Court records show more than a month passed after the expiry of the 90-day term before PetroSA issued a letter of demand. (See "PetroSA vs Imvume Management" download box on top right of this article for full documents).

    PetroSA's choice of lawyer employed to pursue the demand raises further questions about PetroSA's seriousness of purpose.

    The lawyer, Leslie Mkhabela, was previously Imvume's own attorney and still has a business relationship with Majali via their common interest in Forever Resorts Aventura, the privatised state leisure company. This raises conflict-of-interest questions.

    Mkhabela maintained this week that this was not a problem as he had disclosed his business relationship with Majali to PetroSA.

    The agreement signed between Mkhize and Majali was still not enforced. Instead new terms, much more favourable to Imvume, were agreed between PetroSA chief executive Sipho Mkhize and Majali in September last year.

    Now PetroSA waived any claim to interest and agreed that Imvume could repay the capital amount in monthly instalments over four and a half years.

    But again, in February this year and after paying only R1,33-million, Imvume defaulted, court papers show.

    PetroSA took off the kid gloves for a little while, filing an application for summary judgement in the Johannesburg High Court. But the matter was postponed twice, and on a third court date -- May 3 this year -- PetroSA removed the matter from the roll. PetroSA this week claimed that this was to allow Imvume to remain operational, which would give PetroSA a better chance eventually to recoup the debt.

    The ANC this week threatened legal action against the M&G without confirming or denying the flow of money to it.

    Circumstantialevidence strongly suggests the ANC knew exactly where the funding was coming from. Between 2000 and 2002, when Majali was trading in oil allocations from Saddam Hussein's Iraq, the ANC's Motlanthe repeatedly accompanied him to that country.

    ANC treasurer general Mendi Msimang also went along on at least one occasion.

    It is rumoured that the relationship between Majali and Motlanthe has cooled recently, but an Imvume brochure last year still described Majali as "economic adviser to the secretary general of the ANC". Describing the company's "winning formula", the brochure said Imvume had "access and influence on economic policy".

    How they responded ...

    The cornerstone of this deal is the policy adopted by PetroSA, which is a national initiative, black economic empowerment (BEE). PetroSA has a mandate to introduce hitherto disadvantaged South Africans into the oil and gas industry. PetroSA had a choice: to continue business as usual and exclude historically disadvantaged South Africans from the mainstream economy and prolong, if not propagate, the two-economies concept, or use our procurement muscle to bring fundamental change to the industry.

    To procure a raw material referred to as condensate, the requirement was that the preferred supplier must have a South African partner who qualifies as a BEE candidate. This in effect introduced a major shift in the industry. We deliberately signed deals with the historically disadvantaged party to ensure that they were not "brought along" to the deal, but in fact they were the "principal partner" in the deal.

  • On the [High Court] case PetroSA brought against Imvume PetroSA suspended the case due to the fact that if Imvume were liquidated, there would be very little proceeds flowing into PetroSA from that exercise. Imvume is much better off remaining operational for PetroSA to be able to recoup the total sum owed to PetroSA as well as interest and the legal costs.

  • On Leslie Mkhabela [PetroSA's choice of lawyer to sue Imvume]
    Mkhabela assured PetroSA of the following: he acted on behalf of Imvume during 2002/03. He later decided to resign from their business. While he acted for Imvume, he was invited into a consortium that submitted a bid for the Aventura Resort in exchange for his services. He retains no personal friendship with Imvume.

  • On PetroSA's actions and internal inquiry
    At the request of Imvume, PetroSA effected a pre-payment into an account different from the normal account. We changed the account without considering that there may be negative ramifications. PetroSA has since tightened the controls around channels of communication and instruction from vendors on payments. PetroSA in its enquiry has not found any wrongdoing by any individual or individuals within PetroSA or external to PetroSA with line of sight to PetroSA. All the procedures and processes were followed. PetroSA honoured the letter of the contract. At times we assist suppliers to better deliver to PetroSA where possible. The procurement policy at PetroSA allows for payments of this nature.

  • On the double payment
    Glencore held the product. Even though PetroSA did not have a contract with them, they had a ship in the harbour with our product. As we had already paid, PetroSA had to make a decision; to either pay them and deal with Imvume later -- this would cost us $2,8-million -- or refuse to pay and have our refinery cease operating for a minimum of 40 days, at the cost of $1-million daily. The PetroSA board ratified the decision.

  • Conclusion
    It is the intention of PetroSA to recoup all the funds involved in this dispute. A liquidated Imvume would not generate the required proceeds for PetroSA. This would lead to an outright loss. PetroSA needs Imvume to pay back the money owed to PetroSA.

  • Read Petro SA's full response (pdf)

    BARRY AARON & ASSOCIATES (lawyers for Majali and Imvume):
    Our clients have requested us to record that Imvume had legitimately withheld payment in the sum of $2,8-million from Glencore against receipt of the expected commission on the profit-sharing arrangement in relation to Imvume's contract with PetroSA.

    The withholding of this payment was not contested by Glencore until immediately prior to delivery of the next shipment, which it then refused to offload until such time as the shortfall (as Glencore perceived it) on the previous shipment had been paid. This resulted in PetroSA effecting payment of the shortfall and Imvume executing the acknowledgement [of debt] in favour of PetroSA.

    The issue of commission from Glencore remains unresolved. Imvume expected to repay PetroSA from anticipated funds and separately resolve the issue with Glencore. Unfortunately, the anticipated funds did not materialise. Imvume has concluded arrangements with PetroSA for repayment. Imvume intends honouring its obligations to PetroSA. Our clients have no objection to fair investigative journalism and comment. [The M&G] however continues to harass our clients in an ongoing witch-hunt. [The M&G] appears to have accessed Imvume's private and confidential records, including (in particular) its banking records, constituting an invasion of our clients' rights to privacy, conduct way beyond the norms of responsible or acceptable investigative journalism. Our clients are a private businessman and a private company respectively, engaging in the legitimate pursuit of their activities. Their business activities and support for the ANC are their private affair. [The M&G] is sabotaging and subverting a legitimate black empowerment initiative.

  • Read Imvume and Majali's full response (pdf)

    MNMR Attorneys (for the ANC and Kgalema Motlanthe)
    The short time period provided for comment demonstrates that the M&G will not give proper consideration to our clients' submissions. We wish to note that following the recent decision of the Cape high court in the Idasa matter, our clients are not obliged to discuss donations received by it from any person. Even if it were so, our clients would have no obligation and would not always have the ability or means to verify the identity of the sources of all donations made to it. We record, however, that our clients deny any insinuation that they acted in any corrupt, illegal or improper manner. Our clients will not hesitate to protect their rights should the M&G publish the defamatory material contemplated in [your] e-mail.

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    This is a blog that was created to help the white struggle in South Africa to survive the communist onslaught by the ruling ANC regime to erradicate everything that is white in S.A. This is a blog created to ask for international help to stop the white genocide in S.A- the farm murders, corruption, black on white racism, nepotism, clandistine operations against whites, land grabs, personal disownment, hi-jacks- and unneccesary slaughter of feeble old people by gangs of illegal aliens imported by the ANC to do just that.



    All whites has to be erradicated from all levels in the country, whether it is financially, schooling, sports, work- you call it- whites are eliminated and excluded by force. The ANC has their "Diplomatic" terms for it- Affirmative action, BEE, Quotas, Equity acts, Land Distribution, etc, etc- but their bottom goal is to clean Africa from whites! Hundreds of aliens are welcome to work, stay- and vote in SA- so long they do not appear in their WHITE pajamas- otherwise- they are free to enter and get all the royalties SA can offer. White citizens in SA can only get ONE royalty the regime has to offer: The royalty of leaving SA!

    Uncanny -isn't it: The ANC- mostly aliens themselves- are now alienating true SA citizens- and claiming the country belongs to THEM ( Sounds very much parasitic to me)

    This Blog also want to show the world what type and caliber our so-called "government" really are- the thievery, banality, corruption, denails, communism, witch hunts, racism, hate speeches agains whites, "don't care" attitudes, gravy train riding, cliques , lavish money spending, exauburant salaries and many more attrocities under the banner of "Democracy."
    Never in the history of this country- was there such an esculation of crime, corruption and "high profile"-if you can attach that term- arrests as when this corrupt regime took over.

    Since the ANC international supported hi-jack of SA- everything falls apart- and are in shambles: The Defence Force, Education, Medical sector, Police Force, City Councels, Airports, Borders...and about everything that is being run by an ANC deligate. Now the ONE unit that actually made a success- The Scorpions- are to be dismantled because too many ANC "comrades" are caught for corruption- and sent to jail, where they belong. Zuma and his corruption with Shabir Sheik- after he just-just missed jail for rape, and Mbeki and the top clique for having a couple of front companies where millions of rands are swooping through.

    We also remembered the Scorpions zeroing-in on other top criminals like Jackie Selebe (So-Called Police Commisioner), The Parliamentary Flygate bunch, Crooked Toni Yengeni (M.E.C), Mantho Tshabalala Msimang and her ex-Botswana corruption history when she ran away, Pnuel Maduna and the millions of litres of oil he sold and deposit the takings in ANC accounts, Nkosana Zuma and the cool 50 million donated for AIDS she squandered, The Vice president and her 40 thousand she spent on a luxury holiday from taxpayer's funds and so-on and so-on. The list just keep on growing. NOW you know why the elite unit HAS to be stopped- otherwise SA will sit without a government by the end of 2008...all back in jail where most came from!! We will not even go down in history as far as '94 when other criminal ANC "high-ups" like Winnie "Necklace" Mandella and her "soccer team" rattled the ANC beloved liberal world with the Stompie Sepei murder- one she did not even go to jail for- and her thousands of rands of debt!

    We do not even talk of Mr. Robert McBride of the Mangoo's Bar bomb slaugter- who was found guilty- sat 3 wonderful years in prison, became Mbeki's attache in Chille- and now SECURITY CHIEF- again in court for "Marxist" tipe of rule in the councel, corruption- and drunk while driving. One of these days there will be more ANC top-hats in jail that common criminals!! Now the Scorpions are dismantled for doing their job too good- instead of the whole ANC parliament being fired!!!

    Currently- SA is being run by Lethuli house, The millions of unions, the Communist Party, thousands of ANC affiliated "Groups & Leagues- and the top ANC clique.

    SA has three unconditional laws since the ANC took hold of our system:


    Thus the reason why capital punishment was abolished by the ruling regime- they were too scared that should the death penalty stay- most of their comrades would've been wiped out- it is a natural common way of life in Africa. If something stands in your way of progress- be a natural warrior- and kill it. Young Africans are taught to rape virgins to cure themselves from aids. You can't steal- you just take what you want/need. Nothing wrong in participating in the above three catogories, because all blacks have "Ubuntu"(Goodness) in them- so- you have no evil in you.(That is reserved for whites.)

    We hope that those 'Free the ANC" liberal movements and past as well as current donators will open their eyes to the horrible reality in S.A- not only are S.A whites slaughered- but also white tourists from YOUR countries. Please wake-up- and stop your donations to this ruling racist regime.

    If you are still unsure of the situation- please do what you are so good at: Send in the camera troops unnoticed for- say 3 weeks (Just tell them to hold on tight to their cameras, equipment and cellphones)....and see for yourself the deterrioration of a country that once was a leader in many technologies. You murdered our country for your own personal gain- so, if you have any concious left- stop this bullying non-functional government now! Remember- this is not SA anymore....THIS IS NOW GANGLAND, and we are ruled by the norm of this new system- Crime, corruption, murder, rape....and o- I forgot- GOVERNMENT DENAIL AT ALL TIMES!


    End of an Era

    The first-hand testimony by former combatants of Umkhonto we Sizwe (MK) about the cruel ANC prison regime are an event in South African history. Never before has such concentrated factual evidence been presented about the inner nature of the ANC and its eminence grise, the South African Communist Party.

    The ANC/SACP did a very good job in preventing public knowledge of its secret history from emerging. Those who survived the Gulag system of the ANC/SACP did so knowing that to reveal what they had been through meant re-arrest, renewed tortures and in all probability, death. They had to sign a form committing them to silence!

    KGB-directed torture chambers led to suicides...

    These ex-detainces in Nairobi have revealed that other prisoners, including Leon Madakeni, star of the South African film Wanaka, as well as Nomhlanhla Makhuba and another person known as Mark, committed suicide rather than suffer re-arrest at the hands of their KGB-trained guardians. Madakeni drove a tractor up a steep incline in Angola, put it into neutral and died as it somersaulted down the hill ...

    • The ex-guerrillas in Nairobi displayed immense courage in speaking out publicly - their courage might have contributed to secure the lives of eight colleagues who had fled Tanzania through Malawi hoping to reach South Africa on the principle that better a South African jail than the ANC 'security.'
    • This group, including two leaders of the mutiny in the ANC camps in Angola in 1984, arrived in South Africa in April, were immediately detained at Jan Smuts Airport by the security police for interrogation, and then released three weeks later.
    • The day after their release they gave a press conference in Johannesburg, confirming the account of the mutiny published on this page.

    This regimen of terror, extending beyond the gates of the ANC/SACP `Buchenwald' of Quadro, was a necessary element in the total practice of repression and deception which made the Anti-Apartheid Movement the most successful Popular Front lobby for Stalinism anywhere in the world.

    • No international Stalinist-run public organization has ever had such an influence and shown such stability, reaching into so many major countries, for so long
    • Vital to its success has been a practice of open and covert censorship The ANC's prisoners were its necessary sacrificial-victims.

    The KGB in Africa
    The prison system to which they were subject goes back to the late 1960s. It was the successor and the complement to the prison system on which blacks in South Africa are weaned with their mothers' milk.

    • In 1969 one of the editors of this journal met two South Africans in London who said they had fought in the first MK guerrilla operation in mid-1967 - a disastrous fiasco across the Zambezi River into the Wankie area of Rhodesia, along with guerrillas from the Zimbabwe African People's Union (ZAPU), then led by James Chikerema.
    • (The ZAPU president, Joshua Nkomo, was in detention).
    • The two men described how they had eventually succeeded in escaping from Rhodesia, and how their criticism of the operation had led to their imprisonment in an ANC camp in Tanzania.
    • An article on the theme appeared the same year in the British radical newspaper Black Dwarf then edited by Tariq Ali.

    The revelations by the Nairobi five indicate how little has changed. In his book on black politics in South Africa since 1945, Tom Lodge, (Black politics in South Africa Since 1945, Ravan, 1987), writes:

    In 1968 a batch of Umkhonto defectors from camps in Tanzania sought asylum in Kenya, alleging that there was widespread dissatisfaction within the camps. They accused their commanders of extravagant living and ethnic favouritism. The first Rhodesian mission, they alleged, was a suicide mission to eliminate dissenters. In political discussions no challenge to a pro-Soviet position was allowed (p300).

    • From 1968 to 1990, nothing basic altered in the ANC's internal regime in the camps, except that in the high noon of the Brezhnev era it operated para-statal powers under civil war conditions in Angola, where a large Cuban and Soviet presence permitted the ANC security apparatus to 'bestride the narrow world like a Colossus.'

    From the account of the ex-mutineers, ANC administrative bodies ruled over its elected bodies, the security department ruled over the administrative organs, and KGB-trained officials - no doubt members of the SACP - ruled over the security apparatus.

    • Umkhonto we Sizwe functioned as an extension in Africa of the KGB.
    • Its role in the civil war in Angola was to serve primarily as a surrogate to Soviet foreign policy interests, so that when the ANC rebels proposed that their fight be diverted to South Africa this counted as unpardonable cheek, to be ruthlessly punished.
    • Over its own members, the ANC security apparatus ruled with all the arrogance of a totalitarian power.

    There is a direct line of connection between the ANC reign of terror in its prisons - which a UN High Commission for Refugees official described as more frightening than Swapo prisons - and the 'necklace' killings exercised by ANC supporters within South Africa, especially during the period of the 1984-86 township revolt, but now once again revived against oppositional groupings such as Azapo.

    • (The ANC's' necklace' politics was also a definite contributory element provoking the carnage in Natal). Two former ANC prisoners, Similo Boltina and his wife Nosisana, were in fact necklaced on their return to South Africa in 1986, after having been repatriated by the Red Cross (letter from Bandile Ketelo, 9 April 1990).

    • This is the significance of the `Winnie issue.'
    • When leaders of the Mass Democratic Movement publicly expressed their 'outrage’ at Winnic Mandela's 'obvious complicity’ in the abduction and assault on 14 year-old Stompie Mocketsi Seipe, leading to his murder, this was in response to very widespread and very well-founded revulsion among Soweto residents - especially ANC supporters such as members of the Federation of Transvaal Women (Fetraw).
    • They were enraged by the jackboot politics of the so-called Mandela United Football Team, whose 'coach` - to the satisfaction of Fetraw members - has been convicted of Stompie's murder.
    • This squad of thugs, based in Mrs Mandela’s house, acted within Soweto in the same way that the ANC/SACP security acted abroad, in Angola, Tanzania, Zambia, Mozambique, Ethiopia and Uganda.

    The welcome of Captain Dirk Coetzee, head of the regime's assassination squad, into the arms of the ANC is an indication of the future course of development, as is the decision by the new Swapo government in Namibia to appoint a number of top South African security policemen, including the former chief of police in the Ovambo region, Derek Brune, to head its secret organs of coercion.

    The South African prison system was replicated in the ANC prisons even into everyday terminology, above all at Quadro. This is a name that requires to become common currency in political discourse: it is the Portuguese for `No.4' the name used throughout South Africa for the notorious black section of the prison at the Fort.

    Sneers by warders at soft conditions in 'Five Star Hotels', the common description of punishment cells as 'kulukudu' and the whole atmosphere of brutal crassness is quintessentially South African, spiced with the added sadism of the Gulag. The ANC prison system combined the worst of South African and of Russian conditions fused together, and it is this new social type - as a refinement and augmentation of each - that is now offered to the people of South Africa as the symbol of freedom.

    Read the entire terrifying tale here:

    READ one of the original ANC reports on:


    KwaMashu, still my home"-- Hate-speech movie against Asians and Whites features ANC-leader Zuma:

    April 7 2008 - By Adriana Stuijt. The following You-Tube film extract is from an upcoming documentary KWA MASHU: STILL MY HOME, directed by the African-American anti-slavery filmmaker Owen 'Alik Shahadah.

    It was produced by the South African business K-CAP and UK business Halaqah Films together with the African Holocaust Society.

    Owen 'Alik Shahadah, who refers to South Africa as "Azania", is actively engaged in spreading hate-speech among blacks with his films, targetting Asians and whites in South Africa, grotesquely even claiming that "South Africa is under majority-European and Asian control'...

    He writes:

    "South Africa is under majority-European and Asian control... across the board there is always a white face holding senior rank, might it be Zulu lodges, private game reserves, tour operators, hoteliers, all exclusively non-African. And to add to this the Africans employed do not hold any managerial positions...

    "On any given day in Durban it is possible to see large exclusive congregation of Asians around central social business spots like restaurants. A brief tour of Durban shows a stark monopoly of supermarket ownership, restaurants, practically everything that is worth owning. Even the small one-man street vendor trades are dominated by them. And now with the “death” of Apartheid the European and Asian business are venturing into the townships, the heart of the African community, and setting-up large business...

    He is an avid supporter of Jacob Zuma, new leader of the African National Congress ruling party, and who is widely seen as the future new president of S.Africa.


    March 16 2008 - The black residents association of this state-owned apartment building in Mafikeng who posted this sign still insist that 'they aren't racists - they just don't want any whites to buy into the building...'

    Read the entire sad tale here:

    Senior ANC MP makes death-threat gesture to white MP

    The woman in this picture is the ruling ANC party's parliamentarian Winkie Direko, caught in the act of making an offensive death-threat gesture to the Democratic Alliance MP Dianne Kohler-Barnard in the SA parliament. Winkie is the former premier of the Free State. The parliament was in session at the time.

    March 5 2008 - CAPE TOWN. The Democratic Alliance opposition party has laid a charge against Winkie Direko, the former premier of the Free State, after the ANC-MP made an very offensive death-threat gesture at DA MP Dianne Kohler-Barnard during a sitting of parliament.

    Direko drew her finger across her throat (see pictures above) when Kohler Barnard was asking questions of Safety & Security minister Charles Nkakula relating to the dissolution of the Scorpions police unit.

    Ian Davidson of the DA commented that Direko’s shocking gesture served to heighten racial tension and promoted hatred and anti-White violence which was already wide-spread in South Africa.


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